Labour, as Keir Starmer reminded Kemi Badenoch yesterday, won a rather large election victory (“We had a massive petition on 4 July in this country,” he quipped). The government’s 163-seat working majority gives it a greater degree of political control than any in recent history. While every other administration since 2010 had the clear potential to collapse, this one does not – a fact some in Westminster are still struggling to adjust to.
Yet during its opening months in office, Labour has often lacked definition. Asked to name the government’s biggest achievements by More in Common on 13 October, voters’ top answers were “none of the above” (27 per cent) and “don’t know” (14 per cent), while 49 per cent cited the winter fuel payment cuts as the biggest mistake.
The Budget, which some in Labour believe should have been held earlier, did give the government greater definition. Rachel Reeves made a conscious choice to tax and spend far more – a choice that has left the Tories’ own fiscal policy mired in confusion. But a Budget alone cannot provide the political direction the government needs.
That’s why Starmer will unveil a “Plan for Change” in an upcoming keynote speech (most likely next week). This is designed to distil the government’s sprawling five missions into more “tangible milestones”.
They will include increasing household disposable income – supplanting the aim of having the highest growth in the G7 – reducing NHS waiting lists (with 92 per cent of patients waiting no longer than 18 weeks from referral to treatment), and enabling 75 per cent of children to achieve a “good level of development” by the time they are five (up from 67.2 per cent).
This new phase will see Starmer assume greater responsibility for his administration’s performance – think chief executive rather than chair. No 10 is mindful that “the most powerful words in government are ‘the Prime Minister wants’” (with the state’s response to the summer riots cited as proof).
This marks a definitive break with the Sue Gray era – Starmer’s former chief of staff encouraged cabinet ministers to pursue their own Whitehall projects and narratives with less regard for the centre. As a consequence, cross-departmental work was undermined and the government’s message was muddled. Rather than one band, the cabinet – and Downing Street itself – resembled an array of competing solo artists. Under the new chief of staff Morgan McSweeney – who chairs a daily 9am meeting of No 10 special advisers and civil servants – greater discipline is being enforced. The imminent appointment of a new cabinet secretary – replacing Simon Case (Boris Johnson’s choice) – will aid this process.
It is no accident that this reassertion of the centre has coincided with the arrival of Tony Blair-era figures: Liz Lloyd as No 10’s director of policy delivery and innovation and Jonathan Powell as national security adviser. Though Blair’s Downing Street was often derided for its emphasis on targets and message discipline, this approach did deliver clear electoral and policy results (NHS satisfaction reached a record high and waiting lists a record low). In a presidential era, Starmer is mindful that voters and the media will look to him, above all, to define the government’s direction.
The UK has suffered in recent years from politicians pursuing priorities divorced from those of the public (Liz Truss being the most extreme case). Through a focus on the cost of living, the NHS and immigration, Starmer’s No 10 aims to ensure it remains aligned. And it is the Prime Minister who will own success or failure.
This piece first appeared in the Morning Call newsletter; receive it every morning by subscribing on Substack here.
[See also: William Hague will find Oxford very different to when he left it]
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